Use of "Negro" & "Black" Referring to Persons of Native American Ancestory by Jack D. Forbes
1:45 AM
The Use of the Terms "Negro" and "Black" to Include Persons of Native American Ancestry in "Anglo" North America
Jack D. Forbes
In
1854 the California State Supreme Court sought to bar all non
Caucasians from equal citizenship and civil rights. The court stated:
The word "Black" may include all Negroes, but the term "Negro" does not include all Black persons . . . . We are of the opinion that the words "White," "Negro," "Mulatto" and "Black person," whenever they occur in our constitution . . . must be taken in their generic sense . . . that the words "Black person," in the 14th section must be taken as contra distinguished from White, and necessarily includes all races other than the Caucasian.
As
convoluted as the quote may be, it tends to express a strong tendency
in the history of the United States, toward creating two broad
classes of people: white and non-white, citizen and non-citizen (or
semi-citizen).
The
tendency to create a two-caste society often clashed with the reality
of a territory which included many different types of people, of all
colors and different degrees of intermixture of European, American,
African, and Asian. Native American people, whether of unmixed
ancestry
or mixed with other stocks, were at times affected by the tendency
to create a purely white-black social system, especially when living
away from a reservation or the ancestral homeland.
In
the British slave colonies of North America along the Atlantic coast,
many persons of American ancestry were at times classified as blacks,
negroes, mulattoes, or people of color, and these terms were, of
course, used for people of African ancestry. The manner in which
Americans and part-Americans were sometimes classified as "mulattoes"
and "people of color" from New England to South Carolina
and in the Spanish Empire are explored elsewhere. The purpose here is
to illustrate how the term "negro" has also been applied to
people of American descent.
Explorations
in Ethnic Studies, Vol.
7,
No.
2 (July, 1984)
The
possibility that Native Americans were quite commonly called
"negroes" is very much supported by Portuguese usage.
During the colonial period Brazilian Indians were repeatedly referred
to as negroes or as "negros da terra" ("Negroes of the
land"). A great many examples from the sixteenth- and later
centuries are cited by Georg Friederici in his analysis of Portuguese
sources. These do not have to be repeated here, but suffice to say
that it was so common that finally in 1755 a royal decree had to be
issued as follows:
Among the regrettable practices . . . which have resulted in the disparagement of the Indians, one prime abuse is the unjustifiable and scandalous practice of calling them negroes. Perhaps by so doing the intent was no other than to induce in them the belief that by their origins they had been destined to be the slaves of whites, as is generally conceded to be the case of blacks from the coast of Africa . . . The directors will not permit henceforth that anybody may refer to an Indian as a negro, nor that they themselves may use this epithet among themselves, as is currently the case.
This
Portuguese usage is extremely significant, not only because American
or part-American slaves could be referred to as "negroes"
in early shipment records but also because it very much affects one's
analysis of population statistics in colonial Brazil (where, in fact,
the categories of "negro" and "mulatto" must have
often included domesticated or enslaved Indians and mixed-bloods).
Insofar
as the term "negro" became synonymous with slave or a
servile status, it lost any specific color reference and became a
general term of abuse (darker people preferring to be called preto
as
a result). It is highly likely that the Spaniards also referred to
slaves generally as negros
in
the Caribbean and that the Dutch took over the same general practice,
since negro
and
neger
were
not Dutch words and had no immediate equivalent except swart,
donker and
bruin.
A
Dutch-French-Spanish dictionary of 1639 has the following entry for
Spanish "negro": noir, sombre, obscur, offusque, brun
(French), swart, doncker, bruin (Dutch). Thus, Spanish "negro"
could be translated as "dark" or "brown" as well
as "black" (swart). Undoubtedly this usage facilitated
making reference to all slaves as "negroes" or "negers"
in the Dutch language. Moreover, it is significant that a Spaniard
residing in Antwerp in the early seventeenth century (the preparer of
the dictionary) saw "negro" as being translated in a number
of ways in both French and Dutch.
By
the latter-half of the sixteenth century the English were referring
to the people of Africa as Ethiopians, Blackamoors, Negroes, and Moors,
somewhat interchangeably. "Negro" gradually came to be the
dominant term, especially after exhaustive contact with the Spanish
and
the Portuguese. What is not clear is the extent to which the term
"negro" was consciously translated as "black."
The automatic association of "negro" with "black"
color cannot be assumed since may "Black" Africans are
actually of medium or dark brown color. In
any case, another association gradually arose, and that was between
"negro" and "slave." Early legislation commonly
referred to "negro and other slaves" or to "negro,
mulatto, and Indian slaves." Over the years "negro"
and "black" both became synonymous with enslavement.
In
1702 an observer wrote that the wealth of Virginia consisted of
"slaves or negroes." By 1806 Virginia judges ruled that a
person who was of a white appearance was to be presumed free but "in
the case of a person visibly appearing to be of the slave race, it is
incumbent upon him to make out his freedom." In 1819 South
Carolina judges stated flatly; "The word 'negroes' has a fixed
meaning (slaves)."
What
the English meant by the term "negro" when they first began
to use it is not clear. Certainly, it was not then synonymous with
slave as a great many persons so classified were free, both in
England and in Virginia. Did it mean an African, a "black"
person, or any dark-skinned individual? Today the term is not widely·
employed in Britain, although the word "black" is used to
refer to people of various skin colors from all of South Asia, the
Middle East, the West Indies, and Africa. Most Native Americans, if
living in Britain today, would be regarded as being "black,"
especially if their ancestry were not known. "Negro"
was also used in a general way in the North American colonies. Some
examples illustrate the use of "negro" and "black"
as applied to people of American ancestry.
An
example from the West Indies is especially illuminating. In 1764
William Young was sent to St. Vincent as a part of the British
occupation of that island. Living on St. Vincent were about 3,000
"Black
Charaibs, or free negroes," about one hundred "Red Charaibs
or Indians," and some 4,000
French
and their slaves, according to Young. The British found it difficult
to control the Caribs and wars were fought with them in 1771-1772 and
again during 1795-1796. During the latter crisis Young wrote an
extremely anti-Carib tract designed to prove that the Caribs should
be removed from St. Vincent; they were eventually defeated and some
5,000
were
shipped to an island near the coast of Honduras.
Young
was anxious to prove that the so-called "Black" Caribs were
not true aborigines but were
in
fact "Negro colonists, Free Negroes, or Negro
usurpers." This was important to him because he wanted to show
they had no bonafide land-rights or aboriginal title. For
our purposes, the interesting point admitted by Young is that the
so-called "Blacks" or "Negroes" were occasionally
of "tawney and mixed complexion" because of American
ancestry and that their customs, personal names, and language were
those of the native Caribs. Still further, Young admitted that they
had repeatedly intermarried with American women. He consistently
refers to them as "Negroes," nonetheless.
Young
also relayed a great deal of hearsay information about how the
"Black" Caribs had originated, which is without foundation
for analysis here. The important point is this: that a people
thoroughly American in identity, culture, and language were called
"black" and "negro" solely because of being
mixed with African ancestry.? This tendency continues, incidentally,
among white scholars who, even today, refuse to accept the Caribs'
avowed feelings of "Indianness" and continue to call them
"Black."
In
1619
some
twenty "negroes" were brought to Virginia. At least eleven
have names of Spanish or probably Spanish character. Later they were
joined by "negroes" and "mulattoes" with names
such as Antonio (several) and John Pedro. These Spanish-derived
servants could well have been of part-American ancestry; however, no
evidence is available except that they were largely secured from
captured Spanish vessels.
In
1676
one
Gowin, "an Indian servant," acquired his freedom in
Virginia. Two decades earlier Mihill Gowen, called "a negro,"
also acquired his freedom. It would appear that the "negro"
was probably father to the "Indian" in this case.
In
1670
the
population of the Virginia colony was said to be 40,000
including
2,000
"black
slaves." Evidence indicates that there could not have been that
many Africans there and also that there were a great many American
slaves or servants. Thus the total of "blacks" must have
included a good many Americans.
In
1698
three
fugitive "negroes" were reported in North Carolina, of whom
one was an American. Similarly, a list of"Negroes" imported
into Virginia, 1710-1718, by
sea includes at least sixty-nine "Indians," mostly from the
Carolinas. Likewise, lists of "Negroes" brought into New
York from 1715
to
1736
include
many slaves of probable (or stated) American ancestry from Campeche,
Jamaica, Honduras, the Carolinas, and Virginia.
In
the 1715-1717 period the Vestry Book of King Williams Parish,
Virginia, records one year "Robin an Indian" and two years
later, "Robin a negro. " In a similar manner a 1691 list of
"negro" slaves in York County, Virginia, includes "Kate
Indian" while a 1728 list of "Negroes" at the "home
house" of a Virginia planter in clues "Indian Robin"
(Robin, incidentally, is a common name for slaves of American
ancestry). In 1748 there was an advertisement in New York for a
"Negro man servant called Robbin, almost of the complexion of an
Indian . . . talks good English, can read and write, and plays on the
fiddle."
In
1723 Virginia adopted a law depriving free "negroes, mulattoes,
and Indians" of certain basic civil rights. The act was
disallowed by British officials but in 1735 Lt. Governor Gooch
defended it by asserting that he wanted to make "a perpetual
brand upon free negroes and mulattoes by excluding them from that
great privilege of a Freeman. " He wanted to make the "free
negroes sensible that a distinction ought to be made between their
offspring and the descendants of an Englishman, with whom they never
were to be accounted equal." Since the act applied to Native
Americans and half-Americans ("mulattoes"), Gooch's
language would seem to include them under the general category of
"free negroes and mulattoes."
A
welcome clarification of terminology was provided in 1719 by the
government of South Carolina when it decided: ". . . and for
preventing all doubts and scruples that may arise what ought to be
[taxed] on mustees, mulattoes, etc., all such slaves as are not
entirely Indian shall be accounted as negro." The significance
of this act is that all later enumerations of "negro" and
"Indian" slaves in South Carolina have to be analyzed with
the thought in mind that many "negroes" were probably
one-half or other fractions of American ancestry.
New
Jersey was also an area where Americans and Africans intermixed with
considerable frequency. In 1734 an
advertisement appeared
for the recovery of "Wan (Juan?). He is half lndian and half
negro; ... he plays the fiddle and speaks good English and his
country Indian. "Wan was not specifically called a "negro,"
but a 1747
advertisement
reads:
Runaway on the 20th of September last, from Cohansie a very lusty negro fellow named Sampson, aged about 53 years, and had some Indian blood in him ... he had with him a boy about 12 or 13 years of age named Sam, was born of an Indian woman, and looks like an Indian, only his hair ... they both talk Indian very well, and it is likely they have dressed themselves in the Indian dress and gone to Carolina.
Similarly
in a 1778 advertisement we read:
Was stolen from her mother, a negro girl, about 9 or 10 years of age, named Dianah, her mother's name is Cash, was married to an Indian named Lewis Wollis, near six feet high, about 35 years of age. They have a male child with them, between 3 and 4 years of age. Any person who takes up the said negroes and Indian . . . shall have the above reward."
From
these examples we can see that people of mixed American African
ancestry could be called "negroes" in New Jersey. Cyrus
Bustill, a Philadelphia baker ("black") born in 1732 at
Burlington, New Jersey, married a Delaware Indian woman. His son
became a Quaker and an anti-slavery leader and was known as a
"negro."
In
Canada in 1747 four "Negroes" and a "Panis"
(American slave) escaped from Montreal. A French writer referred to
them simply as "negroes." In 1759 one Saunders, a runaway
slave, was described in South Carolina as a "Negro man . . . of
the mustee breed." Mustee meant either European-American or
European-American-African. In 1775 authorities in South Carolina were
ordered to apprehend "John Swan, a reported free negro or
mestizo man."
In
the 1780s certain white Virginians began to agitate for the
termination of the Gingaskin Indian Reservation in Northampton
County. The reserve was described as an "asylum for free
negroes" and it was alleged that the Americans " . . . have
at length become nearly extinct, there being at this time not more
than 3 or 4 genuine Indian at most . . . the place is a harbour and
convenient asylum for an idle set of free negroes." In 1812 it
was argued that
the place is now inhabited by as many black men as Indians . . . the Indian women have many of them married black men, and a majority probably, of the inhabitants are blacks or have black·blood in them . . . the real Indians [are few].
The
reserve was divided (allotted) in 1813 and by 1832 whites had
acquired most of it. In 1828 the Gingaskin descendants were described
as respectable "Negro landowners."
This
episode reminds one of Young's attack upon the Caribs of St. Vincent
in 1795 and also of more recent attempts to allot and acquire Indian
lands. A similar attack took place upon the Pamunkey Mattaponi in 1843
(which failed) and against the Nottoway from 1830 to 1878 (which
succeeded). By the 1840s at least two Nottoways were registered as
"free negroes." The heirs of one family were described in
1878 as "all being negroes and very poor."
Aside
from Virginia, where persons descended from female Americans imported
after a certain date could obtain their freedom, all slaves of
American ancestry remained slaves throughout the entire duration
of slavery unless they were emancipated or ran away. At the end of
the eighteenth-century "Bob, a carpenter fellow, of a yellowish
complexion, mustee, has bushy hair . . . " ran away. He was said
to speak "more proper than Negroes in general."
Other
persons of American ancestry who were free also were called "black"
or "negro." Paul Cuffe, the noted half-American,
half-African merchant
was called, at various times, an Indian, "a black man," and
"this free and enlightened African"; he signed petitions
with "Indian men"
and "all free Negroes and mulattoes." Other examples of a
similar nature abound-one author writes that ". . . the
Sampsons and Gallees,
property owners and school teachers, though predominantly of Indian
blood were leaders among the free Negroes of Petersburg, Virginia,
in 1860."
Virginia
tax-rolls and census records from the 1780s to 1850 have numerous
examples of people of Indian tribal identity being classified as
"free people of color" or as "mulattoes," in
fact, the practice was almost universal; some were also classified as
F.N. (free negro) or as "B" (black) in various records. In
certain counties (such as Southampton) in 1830, and in parts of
Delaware, virtually all free nonwhites were categorized as "F.N."
although enumerated under the "free people of color"
column. These lists included people of the Nanticoke and other tribal
groups.
Under
certain conditions persons of African descent could be legally
classified as members of an Indian tribe or as Indians. In a treaty
with the Creek Nation the commissioner of Indian Affairs noted in
1832:
... an Indian, whether of full or half blood, who has a female slave living with him as his wife, is the head of a family and entitled to a reservation [of land] also … free blacks who have been admitted as members of the Creek Nation, and are regarded as such by the tribe, if they have families are entitled to reservations of land.
In
the 1860s all persons of African ancestry who had been slaves were
granted, by treaty, citizenship in the "five civilized tribes"
of Indian Territory. The general trend, however, was to enroll the
more visibly part-African persons as "Freedmen" citizens
and to restrict their tribal status. When lands were allotted in the
1880s to the early 1900s most such persons were not allowed to assert
American ancestry and were, therefore, denied future rights as
"Indians."
During
the Seminole wars a new term seems to have been coined, that of
"Indian-Negroes." One source, General Wiley Thompson,
asserted in 1835 that "they are descended from the Seminoles,
and are connected by consanguinity." Other writers referred to
them as the "hostile
negroes and mulattoes in the Seminole nation" or simply, "Indian
negroes." Few white writers seem to have continued the use of
"Indian· negro." However, in the Euchee language mixed
people of that type were referred to as "Goshpi-tchala" or
"Red-Black People."
In
North Carolina many people of Lumbee Indian identity were
categorized, at times, as "negroes. " In 1837 Charles
Oxendine of Robeson County was punished as "a free negro. "
In 1842 one of the Braveboy family was called a "negro"
while in 1857 a Chavers was charged as "a free person of color"
with carrying a shotgun. He was not convicted because the act
specified "free negroes" and he was charged as a "free
colored. " The court stated that "Free persons of color may
be . . . persons colored by Indian blood . . . the indictment cannot
be sustained."
In
a similar situation, some white men took away guns from the Pamunkey
people in Virginia in 1857. The governor had them returned but
stated: "if any become one fourth mixed with the negro race then
they may be treated as free negroes or mulattoes" (Virginia at
this time defined a "mulatto" as one-fourth or more
African).
In
Louisiana in 1856 the "Black Code" was said to refer to
offenses involving "slaves, Indians, and free persons of color."
Many narratives of ex-slaves, recorded in the 1830s, reveal Indian
ancestry. One such person, called an Indian, was Uncle Moble Hopsan
of Virginia. He says: "et come time tuh marry" and he
married a black woman. "Dat mak me black, ah' 'spose. " In
1871 a white writer of Maryland observed:
In [Dorchester] county at Indian Creek, some of the last Indians of the peninsula struck their wigwams towards the close of the last century, and there are now no full-blooded aborigines on the E astern Shore, although many of the free-born negroes show Indian traces.'·
Quite
commonly, however, some of the "free-born negroes" of the
Eastern Shore continued to identify and survive as Native People. The
whites often tried to deny their Indianness, as in 1856 when a marker
was erected to commemorate a woman who had testified that the
Nanticoke people of Delaware had African ancestry. The Indians were
referred to on the marker as "arrogant negroes that assumed to
be what they were not."
During
the eighteenth-century most persons of mixed race, especially if
free, were classified as "mulattoes, mustees, or persons of
color." The term "negro" was perhaps less likely to be
used for such people, except as noted in the examples above. This
usage continued in some states such as the Carolinas and
Virginia-well into the nineteenth-century.
For
example, the jurists of South Carolina noted in 1852: "It is not
according to the use of language in this region to speak of one
altogether black as a person of color. The phrase is almost
exclusively applied to one of mixed blood and color." A change
took place in such states as Indiana (1817), Kentucky (1852), and
elsewhere (1850s – early 1900s) as the term "negro" came
to encompass most persons of part African descent.
This
change may not have affected people of solely African and American
descent, especially if the African ancestry predominated. Since many
(but not all) Native Americans were "brown" or dark colored
without
African
ancestry, their descendants when mixed only
with
African blood would very likely be seen as "negroes" by
most Europeans (especially in North America where special terms for
such persons-such as Zambo, Grifo, Lobo, Cafuso, Cabra, and Cabore
never became current).
The
United States census also tended to expand the use of the terms
"black" or "negro." In 1890 "black" was
to be used for all persons having three-fourths or more "black
blood." In 1910 "black" was supposed to be applied
only to "full-blooded negroes" while the matter of who was
an Indian was left to the enumerator. The term "mulatto"
was to be used for "all other persons having some proportion or
perceptible trace of Negro blood." It is certain that large
numbers of Americans or part-Americans were classified as negro or
mulatto under these rules. For example, of the Mattaponi only one
person was counted as "Indian" by the census out of a
reservation population of at least forty persons. Similarly, the
Poosepatuck of Long Island had only one person counted as "Indian,"
doubtless because the rest were enumerated as negroes or mulattoes.
The
1910 census counted "2,255 negroes" who were part-Indian
and were
enrolled members of tribes. Another group of 1,793 tribal members
were of mixed European, African and American ancestry. Thus only
slightly more than 3,000 persons who were part-African were counted
with the Indian population as compared with the hundreds of thousands
who were doubtless counted as "negro" or "mulatto"
because of living away from a federally-recognized reservation area.
In
1930 a person of mixed Indian and Negro blood " . . . shall be
returned as a Negro unless the Indian blood predominates and the
status as an Indian is generally accepted in the community." By
1940 all African-American hybrids were to be counted as "negroes"
unless the Indian ancestry "very
definitely predominates
and he is Universally
accepted
. . . as an Indian."
Even
"pure-blood" Indians could be counted as "blacks"
as in Nevada in 1880 when the census enumerator categorized ninety
members of the Duckwater Shoshone Tribe in that manner. In the state
of Delaware more recent decades found that "if a person said he
was an Indian, he was recorded as either black or white depending
upon his appearance." The 1980 census was so arranged that any
American-African mixed-blood who checked both "black" and
"Indian" boxes was counted solely as "black."
In
summary, it seems clear that many persons of Native American
ancestry, in whole or part, have been at times classified as
"negroes" or "blacks." This is a matter of
considerable significance for the scholar seeking to understand the
actual ethnic or racial identity of non-white persons in the North
American British colonies and in the United States over the
centuries.
Earlier
studies have shown the significance of the terms "mulatto,
mustee, sambo (zambo), and colored," as indicating persons of
American (or possible part-American) ancestry. Collectively, these
studies served to show the probability of a much greater degree of inter-mixture between Africans and Native Americans than has hitherto
been widely acknowledged.
But,
of course, it might be argued that this is "old hat,"
especially to people in the Afro American community who have long been
aware of extensive Indian ancestry and who have, at least since the
Civil War, self-consciously utilized the terms "negro" or
"black " (and, of course, "colored") to encompass
people of mixed Native American and African descent. Individuals such
as Ann Plato, Paul Cuffe, Crispus Attucks, Hiram Revels, and many
others have long been referred to as "negroes" in spite of
having perhaps at least as much Native American as African
ancestry-and even when living in Indian communities, as was the case
with Attucks and Cuffe.
From
the scholarly perspective, the "logic" of white racism
(which has tended to classify people in very arbitrary ways) is
neither the logic of genetics nor of bonafide ethnicity. The mixture
of African and American does not make a person "black" or
"negro" anymore than it makes one automatically "Indian.
" Ethnic scholars must aver that it is both pernicious and
dangerous to read into the evidence, and to affirm for earlier times,
the pronouncements of a dominant social caste. Their myths, their
prejudices, and their systems of classification and nomenclature must
all be subjected to critical and empirical reevaluation.
Critique
The
article is well written and researched. The author has searched the
literature pertaining to blacks and Indians and found that there are
many cases of confused and deliberate distortions. These distortions
had and have a profound impact on the way we behave.
Many
examples of the use of over-generalization are given. The reasons for
this behavior are complex and varied. As an example we find the white
Virginians agitating for the termination of the Gingaskin Indian
Reservation in Northampton County. Forbes cites the reason for this
agitation as the area was an "asylum for free negroes " and
the presence of Indians was small if any. The date for this event is
given as 1780.
In
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries immigrants coming into the
United States were often confused by the many languages that
were
spoken at the port of entry into this "new" land. The
Spanish, for example, used Negro to refer to a black man and Negra to
refer to a black
woman. Mulatto had many meanings. Among these were mule (mulatto) or
a person of mixed ancestry) part black and part white.
To
associate word usage with racism is quite proper, but it is not
always so. There is no inflexible relationship between a stereotype
and behavior.
Indian
children of high school age at a funeral of an Indian attended by a
black man used the words Nigger, Gigolo, and so forth...
“If we have African blood we should be proud of it; it is good, honest, tribal ancestry.” —Jack D. Forbes, Attan-Akamik Newsletter, 1974
Jack
D. Forbes (January 7, 1934, Long Beach, California – February 23, 2011,
Davis, California) was an American writer, scholar and political
activist, who specialized in Native American issues. He is best known
for his role in establishing one of the first Native American Studies
programs (at University of California Davis). In addition, he was one of
the co-founders of D-Q University, the first Native American college
located outside a reservation.
We recorded a video talking about this topic.
Source:
The
Use of the Terms "Negro" and "Black" to Include Persons of Native
American Ancestry in "Anglo" North America, Jack D. Forbes
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_D._Forbes
https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/news/native-news/the-red-and-the-black-remembering-the-legacy-of-jack-d-forbes/
Notes
'The
People v. Hall, October 1 , 1854 in Robert Heizer and Alan J.
Almquist, eds. The
Other Californians. (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1971) 232-233.
21
use the term " American" to refer to the native American
race during the colonial period to avoid confusion with other people
called "Indians." Likewise, whites will be called
"Europeans"
and black Africans will be "Africans."
3See
Jack D. Forbes. "The Evolution of the Term Mulatto: A Chapter in
Black-Native American Relations." Journal
of Ethnic Studies. Vol.
10, No. 2 (Summer, 1 982) 45-66.
"Mulattoes
and People of Color in Anglo North America: Implications for
Black-Indian Relations." Unpublished Mss. and "Mustees, H
alf-Breeds and Zambos in Anglo-North
America."
The
American Indian Quarterly. Vol.
7, No. 1 ( 1 983) 57-83.
'Georg
Friederici. Amerikanistisches
Wortenbuch. (
Hamburg: De Gruyter, 1947) 446-447; "Directorio que se deve
observar nas Povoacaens dos I ndios do Para , Maranhao" as cited
by
A.J.R. Russell-Wood. The
Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil.
(London:
MacMillan, 1982) 42-43; and Juan Francisco Rodrigues (reputed
author). Den
Grooten Dictionaris en Schat van Drij Talen. (Antwerp:
Trognesius, 1639) " negro."
5Almon
W. Lauber. Indian
Slavery i n Colonial Times Within the Present Limits o f the United
States. (N
ew York: AMS Press, Inc., 1913) 3 1 1 ; John S. Bassett, ed. The
Writings of Colonial William Byrd. (New
York: Doubleday, 1901) 8-9; John Codman Hurd, ed. The
Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States. Vol.
2 (N ew York: Negro Universities Press, 1 968) 95; The
Oxford English Dictionary. (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1933) "Negro."
6Elizabeth
Donnan. Documents
Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade. Vol.
4 (Washington, DC: Carnegie, 1 932) 68; James Hugo Johnston. Race
Relations in Virginia and Miscegenation in the South 1
776-1 860. (Amherst:
University of Massachusetts Press. 1 970) 194; Exparte Leland is
cited in Helen T. Catterall. Judicial
Cases Concerning America and the Negro. Vol.
2 (Washington, DC: Carnegie, 1929) 3 1 1 .
'William
Young. A
n Account of the Black Charaibs. (London:
C ass, 1971) 98, 13-14, 18, 23, 27, 30, 42.
"See,
for example, N ancy L. Solien. "West Indian Characteristics of
the Black Carib."
Peoples
and Cultures o f the Carib bean. Michael
M. Horowitz, ed. (New York: National History Press, 1971) 1 33ff; see
also: David Lowenthal. West
Indian Societies. (London:
Oxford
University Press, 1972) 1 78-186.
·Helen
T. Catterall. Judicial
Cases Concerning American and the Negro. Vol.
1 (Washington, DC: Carnegie, 1 929) 55-56, 60. ,oIbid.,
58, 78.
"John
Codman Hurd, ed. The
Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States. Vol.
1
(New
York: Negro Universities Press, 1 968) 233m; Catterall, Vol. 1, 63;
Wesley Frank Craven. White,
Red and Black: The Seventeenth Century Virginian. (Charlottesville:
University of Virginia Press, 1971) 98.
12Mattie
Emma E dwards Parker, ed. North
Carolina Higher Court Records, 1
69 7- 1 701. (Raleigh:
Department of Archives and History, 1971) 528.
"Elizabeth
Donnan. Documents
Illustrative of the History of I he Slave Trade. Vol.
3 (Washington, DC: Carnegie, 1932) 463, 466, 470, 477, 499-500; Vol.
4, 1 75-179.
1
4Vestry Book of King William P arish. Virginia
Magazine of History and Biography. Vol.
XII (New York: Kraus Reprint Corporation, 1 968; originally published
by Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, Virginia, 1 905) 23, 26.
'5J.
Leitch Wright. The
Only L and They Knew: The Tragic Story of the Indians of the Old
South. (New
York: Free Press, 1 981) 252; "Eighteenth-Century Slave
Advertisements."
Journal
o f Negro History. Vol.
1 , No. 2 (April, 1915) 176.
16Wilbert
E. Moore. "Slave Law and the Social Structure." Journal
of Negro History. Vol.
26, No. 2 (April, 1941) 182-183.
1
7Peter H . Wood. Black
Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina. (New
York: Knopf, 1974) 99m.
1
8J ames Hugo Johnston. Race
Relations in Virginia and Miscegenation in the South 1
776- 1 860. (Amherst:
University of Massachusetts Press, 1970) 275m, 276.
1
9Anna Bustill Smith. "The Bustill Family." Journal
of Negro History. Vol.
10, No. 4 (October, 1925) 638-644.
2°A.
Judd Northrup. Slavery
in New York: Historical Sketch. (New
York State Library Bulletin,
History
#4, 1900) 306.
21J.
Leitch Wright. The
Only L and They Knew: The Tragic Story of the Indians of the Old
South. (New
York: Free Press, 1981) 256. See also: Jack D. Forbes. "Mustees,
Half-Breeds and Zambos in Anglo North America: Aspects of
Black-Indian Relations." The
American Indian Quarterly. Vol.
7, No. 1 (1983) 57-83.
22William
A. Craigie and James R. Hulbert. A
Dictionary of American English. Vol.
3 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1940) 1512.
23J
ohnston, 280; Helen C. Roundtree_ "The Indians of Virginia: A
Third Race in a Biracial State." Mss. in Virginia State Library
Indian File, 1976.
24Roundtree,
8, 10.
25"Eighteenth-Century
Slave Advertisements." Journal
of Negro History. Vol.
1 , No. 2 (April, 1915) 1 72.
26H.N.
Sherwood. "Paul Cuffe." Journal
of Negro History. Vol.
8, No. 2 (April, 1923) 153, 163, 164, 165, 172.
27Luther
P_ Jackson. "Free Negroes of Petersburg, Virginia." Journal
of Negro History. Vol.
12, No. 3 (July, 1927) 368, 380-38l.
28See
discussions of such records in Jack D_ Forbes. "Mulattoes and
People of Color in Anglo North America: Implications for Black-Indian
Relations."Unpublished Mss.
29J
ohnston, 285.
30Kenneth
W. Porter. "Florida Slaves and Free Negroes in the Seminole War,
1835-1842_" Journal
of Negro History. Vol.
28, No. 4 (October, 1943) 397; Johnston, 230_
31Gunter
Wagner. Yuchi
Tales. (New
York: G.E. Stechert and Co., 1931) 352-353. 02C atterall, Vol. 2, 79,
209, 38l .
33Helen
C _ Roundtree. "The Indians o f Virginia: A Third Race i n a
Biracial State_" Mss. In Virginia State Library Indian File, 1
976, 13_
34John
C odman H urd, ed. The
Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States. Vol.
2 (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1968) 165.
35J.
Leitch Wright. The
Only L and They Knew: The Tragic Story of the Indians of the Old
South. (New
York: Free Press, 1981) 259.
36George
Chamberlain. "African and American." Science.
Vol.
17 (February, 1891) 87_
37C_A_
Weslager_ Delaware's
Forgotten Folk. (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1943) 38.
38Catterall,
Vol. 2, 43l.
39Catterall,
Vol. 1 , 231, Vol. 11, 132, 1 76; Hurd, Vol. 1 1 , 17-19, 128; Edward
Byron Reuther.
Race
Mixture_ (New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1931) 96-97.
'Jack D. Forbes. "Mustees, Half-Breeds and Zambos in Anglo North
America: Aspects of Black-Indian Relations." The
A merican Indian Quarterly. Vol.
7, No. 1 (1983) 57-83; See
also,
William Bartram. Trav
els Through No rth and So uth Carolina, Georgia, East and West
Florida. (Savannah:
Beehive Press, 1973) 481-488.
"Negro
Populations in the United Sta tes, 1 790- 1 9 1 5. (Washington,
DC: Bureau of the Census, 1917) 207; Felix Cohen. Handbook
of Federal Indian Law. (Washington,
DC:
Government
Printing Office, 1942) 2, 2m; Arthur C. Parker. "The Status and
Progress of Indians as Shown by the Thirteenth Census. " T
h e Quarterly Journal o f the Society of
American
Indians. Vol.
3, No. 3 (July-September, 1915) 188-190; James Mooney. "The
Powhatan Confederacy: Past and Present." The
American Anthropologist. New
Series.
Vol.
9, No. 1 (January-March, 1907) 148.
"Elmer
Rusco. Good
Time Co ming? Black Ne vadans in the 1 9 t h Century. (Westport:
Greenwood
Press, 1975) 217-219; Weslager, 18.
'3Jack
D. Forbes. " Mustees, Half-Breeds and Zambos in Anglo-North
America." The
American Indian Quarterly. Vol.
7, No. 1 (1983) 57-83.
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